Friday, November 28, 2025

Not Clan Associations, Not Mafias: The Hidden World of Singapore’s Early Chinese Secret Societies

I presented this article at the seminar REPRESENTATION OF THE MAFIAS, A Literary perspective across Asian secret societies and Camilleri's Sicily. The seminar was organised by the Ambasciata d'Italia Singapore and hosted at the Central National Library B1 Room 2 on 3rd November 2025 5.30-7.30pm.

 

Introduction — Unmasking the Secret Society

Singapore is one of the safest cities in the world. It is hard to imagine that barely over half a century ago, secret societies were still dominant on this island.

The term “Chinese secret society” evokes images of tattooed men, blood oaths, and underground rituals — a world of violence and crime. Yet, the Chinese secret societies that once flourished in Singapore were never simply gangs or mafias. Nor were they clan associations, though they shared the same language of kinship and solidarity. Mafias such as the Sicilian Mafia, the American Mafia and the Japanese Yakuza were primarily driven by profit through criminal activities.

In contrast, clan associations were largely charity-based, providing free accommodation, schools, hospitals, cemeteries and funeral aid.

Early Chinese secret societies were not mafia.

Early secret societies were hybrid institutions — motivated by certain ideologies, part brotherhood, part social welfare network, part resistance movement — born out of hardship and exile. Understanding them requires looking beyond their surface to the ideals and anxieties of the Chinese migrants who formed them.

 

Roots in China: Brotherhood and Resistance

The story begins in southern China during the 18th century. In the provinces of Fujian and Guangdong, resentment brewed among the Han Chinese under the Manchu-led Qing dynasty. From this unrest emerged the Tiandihui (天地会), or Heaven and Earth Society, which sought to “overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming” (反清复明).

Although the Tiandihui was banned in Qing Dynasty China, it was not a criminal organisation until the late 19th century in Singapore. Its rituals of loyalty and mutual protection drew inspiration from folk religion and popular literature, especially Romance of the Three Kingdoms (三国演义) and The Water Margin (Outlaws of the Marsh, 水浒传). These tales of righteous heroes uniting against corrupt rulers shaped a moral vocabulary of brotherhood that resonated with the oppressed.

Tiandihui drew inspiration from the folk religion and popular literature.

When migrants from these provinces sailed for the Nanyang (Southeast Asia), they brought this code of solidarity with them. For the ‘sinkheh’ (新客), or newcomers, in foreign lands with no family or legal protection, a sworn brotherhood was not just symbolic; it was survival.

 

Arrival in Singapore: The First Brotherhoods

Singapore’s transformation into a British trading port in 1819 attracted waves of Chinese labourers and traders from Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The secret societies were rooted and formed Hui (), kongsi (公司) and bang () through brotherhood.

The early Chinese came from the provinces of Fujian and Guangdong in China.

The Ghee Hin (义兴) society was established in the 1820s, followed by the Ghee Hok, Hai San, Guandihui, etc. They traced their spiritual lineage to the Tiandihui. Their goals were part idealistic, part pragmatic: to support new arrivals, to provide loans and employment, and to defend members’ economic interests against rival groups or hostile employers.

Birth of the Ghee Hin and other secret societies as early as the 1820s.

At the same time, they assisted the police in maintaining order and referred offenders to the law enforcement agencies. Although the colonial government was aware of the existence of secret societies in the founding years, it was difficult to fully control them due to the weakness of the law enforcement force. For example, in 1830, there was only one magistrate and a dozen or so policemen. The authority had to rely on the leaders of these societies to help manage the community. 

The Ghee Hin and Ghee Hok drew mainly from migrants speaking Hokkien and Teochew dialects, while Hakka dominated the Hai San. In the absence of official labour structures, they controlled coolie labour, mediated disputes, and even ran gambling and opium farms. Colonial authorities alternated between tolerating and fearing them, depending on whether their activities generated revenue or unrest.

It should be noted that clan associations were already present at that time. However, their social influence was still not as significant as the secret societies.

 

Rituals, Loyalty, and Brotherhood

At the heart of the secret societies lay elaborate initiation ceremonies. New members knelt before ancestral tablets, took their oaths, pricked their fingers and drank the blood mixed with chicken blood, rice wine and spices. Such rituals bound them as “brothers” (兄弟) under Heaven and Earth, reinforced solidarity among men who had left their families behind.

At the heart of the secret societies lay elaborate initiation ceremonies and brotherhood.

Brotherhood, loyalty, and vengeance were not abstract ideals; they were codes of conduct that governed survival in a frontier society.

But with power came corruption. Over time, these brotherhoods, which meant to protect the weak, grew entangled in labour control, gambling, brothels and violence. By the 1840s, their rivalries erupted into open conflict.

 

The Age of Riots and Colonial Anxiety

Between the 1840s and 1880s, Singapore was rocked by repeated outbreaks of violence. For example:

·       1846: Riots between the Ghee Hin (20,000 members) and Guandihui (1000 members). The Guandihui launched an attack during the funeral procession of the deceased Ghee Hin’s leader. This was the first serious incident of gang conflict in Singapore's history, triggered by a shortage of plantation land and unclear land boundaries. 

·       1851: Anti-Catholic riots sparked by disputes with the Catholic Chinese plantations. Because the Catholic Teochew plantation owners did not pay protection fees, Ghee Hin attacked more than 20 plantations while the church presidency was on leave. The Teochew community leader Seah Eu Chin helped resolve the dispute. 

·       1854: The “Five Catty Rice Riots” between Hokkien and Teochew left over 500 dead. The anti-Qing Dagger Society’s Teochew members fled to Singapore for refuge. When a Hokkien rice merchant deliberately raised the price, the two sides evolved from a verbal dispute to a 10-day armed fight between Ghee Hok and Ghee Hin. The colonial government formed a mediation group comprising British merchant William Henry Macleod Read, the Hokkien community leader Tan Kim Seng, the Teochew community leader Seah Eu Chin and the Ghee Hok secret society leader Chua Moh Choon to sit down at a round table, which finally resolved the crisis.  It was again reported that Seah Eu Chin played a particularly prominent role in the final settlement. The British government appointed Seah as a justice of the peace, and he was elevated to the position of honorary magistrate in 1872. 

·       1876: The Post Office riot which was triggered by disputes over remittances. The Chinese and the colonial government came head-to-head over the Post Office Incident. At that time, there were more than 50,000 Chinese in Singapore. The remittances sent back to their homeland amounted to about 70,000 Spanish dollars yearly. The amount was expected to increase every year. The government set up the Post Office to handle remittances, on the pretext of protecting senders' money. Some Chinese merchants believed that the government aimed to monopolise the remittance market and take away their jobs. They encouraged members of secret societies to dismantle the Post Office and even threatened the lives of the Post Office staff. The government swiftly deployed the police to stabilise the situation. 

·       1888: The Verandah riot which was triggered by the ban on the use of the five-foot way. This was one of the tough measures the government took against secret societies after the attack on Pickering, the Chinese Protectorate.

To the British, these incidents confirmed that the Chinese were ungovernable and their secret societies inherently criminal. But the root causes were economic and social: dialect rivalry, job insecurity, and the lack of formal representation. It was a world of coercion, but also of desperation, reflecting the harsh realities of immigrant life rather than innate lawlessness.

Singapore Free Press reported the existence of secret societies in 1846.

 

Pickering and the Chinese Protectorate

In 1877, the colonial government established the Chinese Protectorate to regulate Chinese affairs. Its first head, William A. Pickering, was a rare official who understood Chinese culture. Having served in China and Formosa (Taiwan), he spoke Mandarin and several dialects, earning the respect of local leaders.

Pickering, in his writings, described the secret societies as “largely friendly societies”, dangerous mainly because of some of the lawless characters within them, not because of any political conspiracy. He believed the solution lay not in punishment but in understanding.

Under his leadership, the Protectorate registered societies, mediated disputes, and protected workers and women from abuse. Yet his reforms provoked hostility. In 1887, Pickering was attacked in his office by a carpenter named Chua Ah Sioh, reportedly incited by secret society headmen due to the government's tightened gambling control. The attack nearly killed Pickering and led to the Societies Ordinance of 1890, which banned all unregistered associations.

This new order was overseen by the governor, Sir Cecil Clementi Smith. Smith served in Hong Kong before taking up his new role in Singapore. He cited that secret societies were forbidden in China and Hong Kong. Such unlawful organisations being protected in Singapore for so many decades was something unimaginable. However, the Societies Ordinance did not eliminate secret societies. It merely drove them underground.

Pickering, Smith and the Societies Ordinance.

Indeed, the local Tiandihui participated in the fight against the Qing Dynasty. According to colonial government documents, three of the six leaders of the 1850s Amoy Dagger Society were Singaporeans, and most of the Dagger Society members were born abroad. About half a century later, some Chung Wo Tong (中和堂) members sneaked back to China to support Sun Yat-sen's Chinese Revolution. The Straits Times (November 22, 1936) reported that at the time of Sun Yat-sen's death, there were about 200,000 Chung Wo Tong members in Singapore. Apparently, the "anti-Qing" forces in Singapore were still strong.

In hindsight, about 80% Chinese migrants were male during Pickering's time. More than 60% of these male migrants were on the secret societies' name lists. If these people were largely disordered, Singapore would have become a ruin rather than a flourishing port city by the early 20th century.

Number of members and office bearers during Pickering's time.

 

Clan Associations and the Remaking of the Chinese Community

With the suppression of secret societies, clan associations (huiguan, 会馆) became more prominent. By the early 20th century, the leadership of the Chinese community had shifted decisively from the brotherhoods of the underworld to the boardrooms of the huiguan.

Where the secret societies operated through oaths and secrecy, clan associations relied on kinship, dialect, and place of origin. They were legitimate representatives of the Chinese community. For example, the Hokkien Huay Kuan (福建会馆), Teochew Poit Ip Huay Kuan (潮州八邑会馆), Cantonese Ning Yeung Wui Kuan (宁阳会馆), Hakka Wui Chiu Fui Kun (惠州会馆), Hainanese Hainan Hwee Kuan (海南会馆), among others.

In many cases, these associations executed the very functions that secret societies once performed, but within the law. They helped the poor, cared for the dead, and preserved Chinese cultural identity in a colonial setting. Today, there are more than 300 traditional clan associations in Singapore. Some of them are actively engaging in various Chinese cultural activities in the present English-dominant environment, while others are relatively quiet due to an ageing population.

Clan associations took on more significant roles.

 

The Afterlife of the Underworld

Large-scale secret societies re-emerged after WWII. A massive ritual gathering was held in Clementi Forest in 1948, signalling a possible revival. It had taken the colonial authority by surprise. The background of this mass gathering was to form a united front between the Penang and Singapore secret societies.

By the 1950s and 1960s, more than 300 unlawful secret societies were established in Singapore. The city was dubbed the “Chicago of the East”, plagued by gang violence, blackmail, kidnapping and territorial clashes. Even women formed their own groups, such as the “Red Butterfly”.

Chicago of the East.

Determined to restore order, the government launched multi-pronged efforts — combining policing, social reform, youth engagement, jobs and education. By the 1970s, large-scale organised secret societies had largely disappeared.

Yet traces of their past remain in street names like Ghee Hin Street (China Street), Hai San Street (Upper Cross Street) and Ghee Hok Street (Carpenter Street), in the quiet hall of Pu Zhao Chan Si (普照禅寺) where old society tablets rest, and in the collective memory of elder residents.

Traces of the secret societies' past.

Key members' resting place.

 

From Fear to Heritage

Researchers such as Tan Gia Lim, Wilfred Blythe and Irene Lim remind us that secret societies were products of migration and necessity. Their secrecy reflected exclusion from the colonial system, not inherent criminality. Their rituals and hierarchies were attempts to create order in a world that offered none.

Seen in this light, Singapore’s early Chinese secret societies were more about belonging. They remind us that the city’s foundations were not just official rulings, but also by informal networks of trust and obligation forged among the powerless.

Lessons and reflections.

 

Conclusion — Brotherhood, Fear, and Memory

To equate Chinese secret societies with “mafias” would misunderstand their origin. In comparison, the Sicilian mafia and Japanese yakuza were profit-driven syndicates; the Chinese brotherhoods were born from the moral language of loyalty and mutual aid.

They began as revolutionary dreams in China, evolved into survival networks in colonial Singapore. Legitimate clan associations had taken over their influence. Their story reflects the early days of Chinese migration — the struggle to find order, dignity and identity in a world of displacement.

 

Selected References

Annual Reports of the Chinese Protectorate (1877–1890)

Irene Lim, “The Chinese Protectorate”, Singapore Infopedia, NLB Singapore

Lee Kok Leong, The Dark Underworld: From China’s Tiandihui to Singapore Secret Societies (《黑道江湖》2025)

Lee Meiyu, “Chinese Clan Associations in Singapore: Then and Now”, BiblioAsia, Jul–Sep 2014

Lim Tin Seng, “Triads, Coolies and Pimps: Chinatown in Former Times”, BiblioAsia, Oct–Dec 2015

Makeswart Periasamy, “Heaven, Earth and Brotherhood”, BiblioAsia*, Jul–Sep 2017

Munshi Abdullah, Hikayat Abdullah (Oxford University Press, 1983)

Tan Gia Lim, “Insight into Late 19th Century Chinese Secret Societies in Singapore,” Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. 77

Wilfred Blythe, The Impact of Chinese Secret Societies in Malaysia (Oxford University Press, 1969)

William A. Pickering, “Chinese Secret Societies,” in Triad Societies, ed. Kingsley Bolton & Christopher Hutton (Routledge, 2000)


Friday, November 21, 2025

SG60:独立60周年国庆日

SG60国庆庆典前几个月,大草场已搭起观礼台、舞台与巨型荧幕。那段时间,国家美术馆如常安排不少乐龄中心团体前来参观。我一如既往,带他们登上最高层的露台,从高处俯瞰平日熟悉的风光,想象草场上紧锣密鼓地排练“操兵”的场面。大家仿佛觉得自己就是VIP,因提前观赏这场筹备多时的盛大表演而兴奋不已。

庆典当日,经过多次彩排的盛典,相信会在89日晚,现场观众一同高唱《Majulah Singapura!》(前进吧!新加坡)时,心情激动并感到自豪。

国庆庆典前几个月,大草场已搭起观礼台、舞台与巨型荧幕。

 

阅兵与国防的起点

1966年起,国庆阅兵便成为不可或缺的重头戏。196589日,新加坡脱离马来西亚,成为独立主权国。同年11月新加坡国会开幕时,马来西亚陆军坚持由其骑兵为总理座车开道,寓意不言自明。这种威胁的伎俩,促使新加坡更坚决地加快建军步伐。

1969年的国庆庆典上,从以色列采购的二手AMX 13型坦克,首次威风凛凛地在公众场合亮相。

1969年的国庆庆典上,坦克首次亮相。图源:NAS
 

同样的政府大厦前,四年前的马来西亚骑兵由现今的新加坡武装部队坦克取代,邻国大为震惊,终于意识到新加坡的军备发展并非虚张声势,而是走得更快、更远;印尼记者甚至语带调侃,质疑新加坡在庆祝开埠150周年的时候刻意展示军力,建军是否别有动机,譬如聘请以色列教官,采取以色列以攻为守的袭击性战略,而不是由英国教官调教。他甚至推断新加坡军队可能有朝一日攻占柔佛,柔佛人民摊开双手热烈欢迎。

新加坡的国防是东南亚“强国”之一,每年拨款也是东南亚之最。国防开支就像一份保险,让国人在同一片安全的土地上齐声唱响国歌。没有强大的防卫,就会处处受制于邻居,经济发展与未来保障也无从谈起。

 

童年的国庆

小时候的国庆阅兵,沿街游行是必备项目之一。观众夹道观赏,多少会收到“好男该当兵”的讯息,从排斥到接受国民服役。

我家在水仙门,经常是操兵预演或国庆当日制服队伍的游行路线之一。我们挤在店屋楼上的小窗口探头往下看,阿Q地感觉自己就是贵宾。走在前列的军人身着No.3制服,头戴钢盔,军靴锃亮,步伐整齐划一;到了后段的一些制服队伍,队形就显得散漫了。

有好几年,夜里还能从窗口眺望福康宁坡燃放的烟花,那是由中华总商会赞助的。

我们挤在店屋楼上的小窗口探头往下看国庆步操。图源:NAS

 

最特别的记忆

1986年的国庆宣传广告出现“Count on me Singapore”,这是新加坡的国庆日首次出现爱国歌曲,由花莎尼(F&N)邀请加拿大音乐家Hugh Harrison创作,作为国庆贺礼。第一句歌词唱道:“There was a time when people said that Singapore won't make it, but we did. ”表面上是唱给大家听的,暗地里或许是针对新马分家的时候,马来西亚政客等待新加坡摇着尾巴乞怜。小孩的风筝变成飞机起飞,更高更远更需要梦想。那个经典的画面就这样藏在我心中几十年。

心目中最“亲民”的国庆是1987年,真正的高潮出现在演出结束、总统座车离开之后。创价学会的压轴舞蹈与灯光秀非常出色,把现场气氛带入高潮。观众纷纷走到草场上,与表演者同欢共乐,场面倍感温馨。

最特别的是2020年,因冠病疫情无法举办大型庆典,当局改为流动车队巡游。我与陌生人戴着口罩,站在淡滨尼7道的天桥上,让轻松欢愉的心情来冲淡被“囚禁”,什么都做不了的愁绪;我也用疫情期间网购的360度相机拍下激动人心的一幕。大家对于能够走到户外,让情感停泊在看得见人的地方,显得格外珍惜。保持一米距离,早就成了“零距离”。

2020年,因冠病疫情无法举办大型庆典,改为流动车队巡游。

 

2025年的彩虹与烟花

每个人的心中应该会有个故乡,那是让情感停泊的港湾。

从没忘记过童年的故乡,几十年来都会回到那里让心情沉淀,纵然老家已经是车水马龙的路面。

2025年的国庆日,决定改换形式,回到故乡的哥里门桥上拍摄烟花。约一个甲子前的一个黄昏,阿嫲和我站在桥上,她看着涓涓流水说想要回家,回唐山的家。我仿佛有个预感,阿嫲很快便会离我而去。岁月抹不去记忆,落寞辛酸那幕景仍然历历在目,一点也不璀璨。

此时又近黄昏,四处尚一片明亮,天边忽然划过一道厚厚的彩虹,仅仅三十秒便悄然消失,仿佛是阿嫲向我开心告别。虽是昙花一现,已足以让记忆永恒。

随后是跳伞队员的表演、悬挂国旗的直升机缓缓掠过、战斗机划破长空……。哥里门桥上都能收入眼底。

国庆日傍晚,天边忽然划过一道厚厚的彩虹,仅仅三十秒便悄然消失。

悬挂国旗的直升机缓缓掠过。

最过瘾的还是晚上八点多,拍下完场前的烟花秀。这是我第一次用三脚架拍烟花,相机设置为ISO100、光圈f/8、快门2秒。身后的法国女生一边抬头看天,一边光明正大地低头瞄着我相机的LED屏幕,哇哇地惊叹不已。

这一夜,烟花绽放,闰六月十六的明月高悬,再加上稍早前窝心的彩虹,89日近乎圆满。这夜睡得香甜,忘记了是个什么好梦。

烟花绽放,闰六月十六的明月高悬。


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Tuesday, November 18, 2025

林义顺身葬何处?

作者:何乃强
图源:何乃强

 

林义顺(1879-1936)是英殖民地时期,大力发展新加坡北部三巴旺区最重要的人物。他是银行家,担任过华商银行副主席,也是著名的建筑商、树胶商,亦号称黄梨大王

林义顺。

林义顺在新加坡出生,是个土生华人(峇峇),故此人称他峇顺。峇顺峇路(Bah Soon Bah Road)就是以他命名。三巴旺区有义顺镇和义顺路;由于发初、蔚和、其华是他的别名,所以发初村(Huat Choe Village)、其华路(Kee Hua Road)和蔚和路(Wei Hua Road),也都是以他命名的道路,可见他名气之大,名重一时。

林义顺原籍广东澄海(旧属漳州),8岁丧父,由外祖母照顾带大。峇顺先后在启发学校、圣约瑟书院、英华学校接受中英文教育。离开学校后,他在舅父的丝绸店打工。

林义顺 ,光绪廿六年,1900年7月6日。

1911年,32岁的林义顺开始创业,进军树胶及黄梨业,也涉足银行业与保险业,并在各地购置土地。同时,他积极投身社会公益,捐款协助创办华侨中学,受委为莱佛士书院校务委员,还捐赠坟地。他是怡和轩主席(1927-1928年及1931-1932年),在1921-1922年及1925-1926年,被推选为中华总商会会长。1929年,他和其他潮帮领袖成立潮州八邑会馆。1950年,义顺路再度被命名。

林义顺在社会服务方面功绩彪炳,1918年获殖民地政府委任为太平绅士(JP),也获得中国政府颁赐嘉禾勋章。1921年,他在中国出版自传《林义顺传》。

林义顺在办公室内。图源:NAS。

1904年,林义顺创办《图南日报》,该报的立场引起孙中山的关注,邀约同人相见,继而成为志同道合的好友。1906年,在晚晴园成立了同盟会新加坡分会;1907年,他合办《中兴日报》,并出任报章经理。

19363月,林义顺在回返新加坡途中病倒,于19日病逝于上海宝隆医院。他的长子林忠国(Lim Chong Kuo, 1902-1938)安排将父亲遗体运回家乡安葬。国民政府当局闻悉,决定给予林义顺国葬的最高荣誉,安葬在紫金山中山陵附近。相信这是由于林义顺生前积极参与反清革命,支持同盟会活动,并捐赠孙中山的革命运动。在孙中山逝世后,林义顺还参与奉安大典。此举表示国民政府认可他对党国的贡献。

文献显示林义顺的确是葬在南京紫金山中山陵附近,与孙中山墓同属紫金山陵园范围,但并未直接安葬在中山陵内。他的墓地具体位置没有明确记载,所以林义顺葬在中山陵的说法是具有误导性的。而且,中山陵景区总面积约3.22平方千米,约占整个紫金山总面积(3008.8公顷)的10.7%。要去紫金山寻找林义顺的坟墓,依然非常困难。

林义顺遗下三子忠国、忠邦(1904-1956)、忠民及六女。忠国娶富商陈嘉庚次女丽荷为妻;忠邦是地产商人,也经营电影业,拥有多家电影院。他的妻子是银行家李浚源(1868-1924)和慈善家陈德娘(1877-1978)的女儿李宝娘,也是船运商人陈恭锡(1850-1909)的外孙女。

前排左起:林义顺,胡汉民。后排左起:胡木兰(1907-1992,胡汉民独生女),林忠邦,林忠民。

 

参考文献

李国樑,《义顺:从华顺芭到繁华市镇》,《源》20192月,Vol137,新加坡宗乡会馆联合总会出版。 

C Vernon-Takahama, Lim Nee Soon, Singapore Infopedia.

宋旺相,《新加坡华人百年史》(中文版),新加坡中华总商会,1993