Tuesday, June 09, 2026

【广播事】一“粒”榴梿的坚持

作者: 黄淑君
图源: 黄淑君
原文发布于vibes by 8world, 1 Jun 2026

 

榴梿摊

“我说一粒榴梿说了几十年了,改不了口。就算是错的,我还是会说一粒!”

前阵子在广播中谈到,本地人无论水果大小,几乎都习惯用“粒”作为量词。不管是口头表达,还是水果摊上用马克笔写在纸皮上的简单标价,从苹果、橙子、榴梿到西瓜,统统都是 “一粒”。

节目播出后,一位听众发来语音。语气激动之中带着几分委屈,那股认真劲儿,简直近乎悲壮。

听起来就像是在宣誓:

“你们别想从我口中探出什么机密!为了理想,为了祖国,我誓死保卫组织和伙伴,在所不惜!”

我听完当场笑了出来。

播放了这段音频后,我也回应这位“榴梿大叔”:

您今天跟太太说买几粒榴梿回家吃,跟小贩讨价还价时说我多买几粒,算便宜一点,或者跟朋友说我买了十八粒榴梿,快来吃,都完全没有问题。既不犯法,警察也不会来抓您。这是您个人的 “言论自由”。

我只是告诉大家,从现代汉语规范来说,“粒”这种用法受到闽南语方言影响,标准说法应该是“一个榴梿”。

在这个凡事都能上网查询的时代,我也特地查了一下榴梿究竟可以搭配哪些量词。

百度列出的量词包括:一个、一头、一块、一口、一打、一捆、一箱、一盒、一坨、一车、一篮、一框、一只……

唯独没有“一粒”。

榴梿是“粒”还是“个”?

那么,向来不愿得罪任何人的AI又怎么说呢?

AI “粒” 的用法分成两类:标准规范用法和区域性口语用法。

在现代汉语里,“粒”主要用于细小、颗粒状的物品,例如一粒米、一粒沙、一粒糖、一粒珍珠、一粒药丸等。

但在新加坡、马来西亚以及部分受闽南语影响的地区,“粒”的使用范围被大幅扩展。它不仅用于颗粒状物体,也被当成“个”或“颗”的替代量词。

于是便有了:

一粒苹果、一粒橙子、一粒西瓜;

一粒篮球、一粒皮球;

甚至一粒头、一粒炸弹。

看到这里,我不得不佩服AI的高明。

它没有直接说“一粒榴梿”是错的,而是用了“标准规范用法”与“区域性口语用法”来说明两者的差异,既讲清楚事实,也顾及使用者的感受。

其实,语言从来不是静止的。

随着时代变迁,语音会变化,语义会演变,许多原本被视为“不规范”的说法,也可能逐渐成为约定俗成的表达。

作为大众传媒工作者,我们必须采用已经发布的规范用语;但广播毕竟不是学校课堂。节目内容和语言表达,也必须贴近听众、贴近生活。

如何在规范与自然之间取得平衡,是广播员每天都在拿捏的事,宛如提着平衡杆走钢丝。

字正腔圆当然是基本要求,但如果用语过于书面、过于拘谨,甚至给人一种“脱离地球表面”的距离感,那又是否是一种无奈的代价?

一般人平时说话,用词是否百分之百正确,也许影响不大。

不过,如果能够把多数人念错的字念对,把容易混淆的词用准,在懂得的人眼里,往往会是一种加分。

我喜欢一句英文:You are what you eat(人如其食),借来改编成 You are what you say

一个人的谈吐,在某种程度上反映他的修养、习惯和学习态度。

一般人日常说话,未必要时时刻刻像字典一样精准。但如果能够多知道一些正确用法,多留意一些容易念错的字词,总归不是坏事。

当然,如果您还是坚持要说“一粒榴梿”,我也完全理解也能接受。

毕竟语言除了规范,还有情感;除了标准,也有乡音,除了规则,也是一种生活方式、一种身份认同。

6月榴梿季节即将来临,您是选择说“一个榴梿”,还是“一粒榴梿” 呢?


Friday, June 05, 2026

Kallang Basin: Rivers, Industry, and Memory

In the late 1970s, I moved out of Hill Street near the Singapore River, and settled at Maude Road by the Rochor River. I lived there for five years before moving on to Tampines. Almost without noticing, I have settled in Tampines for more than four decades.

Back then, my final National Service posting was at Beach Road Camp. I used to walk home after work. I often strolled along the Rochor River to admire the unforgettable sunsets. Those quiet walks, framed by water and fading light, calmed me down and planted the earliest layers of my personal connection with the rivers that flow into Kallang Basin.

Twakows and repair shacks at Kampong Bugis, Rochor River in 1980. Credit: Paul Piollet.

 

Kallang roar

I came to learn more about both the Rochor and Kallang Rivers. These two waterways converge at the Kallang Basin before meeting the sea. Long before it became today’s polished sports and recreational precinct, Kallang was already deeply woven into Singapore’s collective memory. I was a regular at the old National Stadium, built in time for the 1973 SEAP Games, and later the site of Malaysia Cup matches, National Day Parades and musical concerts. It was there that the famous “Kallang Roar” was born.

Yet before stadiums and spectacles, Kallang Basin had been a trading post, a site of early industrialisation, and home to Orang Laut communities. Much of this past now survives only in fragments, memory and imagination.

The "old" National Stadium was being demolished in 2010.

 

Early trade and settlement

As early as the 16th and 17th centuries, the Kallang Basin is believed to have functioned as a busy maritime trading port. Traders moved spices, textiles, and other goods through these waters, well before the emergence of modern Singapore. Among them were Bugis merchants who helped establish the island as a key node in Southeast Asia’s regional trade network.

Kampong Bugis at Kallang Basin. c.1900s. 

The basin was also home to the Orang Biduanda Kallang, part of the wider Orang Laut community. Their ancestors traced their roots to the Riau–Lingga Archipelago and Bangka Island.

As settlement expanded, the British administration mandated the use of permanent building materials in 1822. Brick kilns, sawmills and boatyards soon appeared along the Kallang and Rochor rivers, marking Singapore’s earliest steps toward industrialisation.

Abundant mudflats and sand in the Kallang estuary supported small-scale brick kilns set up since the 1830s. In later decades, the basin became home to Kallang Gasworks and Kallang Airport.

Another transformation followed in the 1960s and 1970s, when sand excavated from the hills of Toa Payoh was used to reclaim land in the basin. Today, this reshaped landscape is branded as “The Kallang”.

Sand excavated from the hills of Toa Payoh was used to reclaim land in the basin. 

 

Sar Kong and Mun San Fook Tuck Chee Temple

Many Chinese settlers employed in the brick kilns lived in a kampong known as Sar Kong (沙冈), meaning “sand dune” in Cantonese. The village revolved around the Mun San Fook Tuck Chee Temple (万山福德祠) founded in 1861 and recognised as one of the oldest Cantonese temples in Singapore.

Located at the junction of Lorong 17 Geylang and Sims Drive, the temple was far more than a religious site. For working-class villagers and newly arrived immigrants, it provided shelter and a sense of community during their earliest days in a foreign land.

Kallang River, Lee Rubber Factory and Sar Kong (沙冈). 1953 map.

 

Shipbuilding along the Kallang River

Kallang was once a major hub for shipbuilding and repair. As early as 1822, Captain William Flint, Singapore’s first master attendant, had established a shipyard at Tanjong Rhu. From the 1880s to the 1950s, flat-bottomed wooden tongkangs and smaller twakows crowded the Kallang River, ferrying raw materials upstream for processing and re-export.

Tongkangs, larger and seaworthy, transported timber from Indonesia and rice from Thailand, Myanmar, and Vietnam. Twakows, smaller and motorised, operated mainly within coastal waters, linking riverside godowns with cargo ships anchored near Telok Ayer Basin. Wooden boatbuilders and repair sheds lined the riverbanks.

The construction of the Merdeka Bridge in the 1950s prevented tongkangs from sailing further upstream, forcing them to relocate to anchorages at the mouth of the Kallang River and around Tanjong Rhu. By the early 1990s, most shipyards, once clustered around Jalan Benaan Kapal and the Geylang River, had either closed or moved to Jurong, leaving behind a maritime legacy largely invisible today.

The construction of the Merdeka Bridge prevented tongkangs from sailing further upstream. 1960. Credit: Cheshire Military Museum.

 

Lee Rubber Factory

Singapore lacked the land to become a major rubber plantation. Despite that, rubber processing, packing and milling for export were once a vital industry. Lee Rubber Factory sat on the present site of Kallang Distripark at the upper reach of the Kallang Basin.

The factory at Lorong 3 Geylang functioned as a self-contained industrial complex, complete with processing facilities, warehouses, smokehouses, a training centre, research laboratory and workers’ lodging. Its riverside location allowed tongkangs to deliver raw rubber directly to a small jetty, integrating river transport seamlessly into industrial operations.

Lee Rubber Factory, Geylang Lorong 3. 1987. Source: NAS.

 

Kallang Gasworks: Fire City

Established in 1901, the Kallang Gasworks, nicknamed 火城 (Fire City) by the Chinese, supplied gas for industrial, commercial and household use. While it brought undeniable convenience and improved living standards, it also caused fear. Gas explosions and the constant smell of gas were persistent anxieties for residents.

At its peak, the gasworks supplied around 70 per cent of Singapore’s gas needs. Operations ceased in 1998 after Senoko Gasworks assumed full responsibility the year before.

Kallang Gasworks, nicknamed 火城 (Fire City)

 

The Kallang Industrial Estate

After Jurong, the Kallang Industrial Estate became Singapore’s second-largest industrial park. Light and medium industries transformed the basin’s landscape. Factories produced garments, electronic components and toys, while multinational corporations such as Texas Instruments and General Electric established operations here.

For many school-leavers in earlier decades, these factories, established under the nationwide industrialisation programme, offered employment, shaping livelihoods and aspirations across generations.

 

Song Lin Saw Mill and a wartime escape

Song Lin Saw Mill (松林火锯厂), established in the early 20th century, relied on the Rochor River to transport timber and finished products in the early years. When I just moved to Maude Road, I visited the mill to purchase plywood for my family’s metal beds. A friendly supervisor showed me around, giving me my first glimpse into sawmill operations.

Song Lin Building was originally the Song Lin Saw Mill.

Years later, I learned from retired architect James Liaw (廖元虎) about his father, Liaw Chin Sing (廖清醒). A barber from Foo Chow, he was deeply involved in fundraising for China’s anti-Japanese war effort and played a key role in the Second Special District Relief Branch, headquartered on Foch Road.

After the fall of Singapore, Liaw was detained by the Japanese at Song Lin on Syed Alwi Road. Three days later, exploiting the military police’s fear of infection, he escaped by supporting a comrade whose festering wounds were swarmed by flies. It is a small human story hidden within a vast and brutal history.

View of Rochor River from Song Lin Building. The construction site of DBSS flats at the right is where New Singapore Ice Works once stood.  

 

New Singapore Ice Works

Sungei Road was known to the Cantonese and Hakka communities as 淡水河 (fresh water river), while the Hokkien and Teochew called it 结霜桥 (frozen bridge). The latter name was derived from the New Singapore Ice Works, established in the 1930s and renamed in 1958.

Before refrigerators became common, the ice factory played an important role in daily life. Hawkers, wet market fishmongers, fishing boats and restaurants all depended on its ice supply. Ice was insulated with sawdust and covered with rice sacks, a simple yet effective method. Sawdust from the nearby Song Lin was perfectly suited for this purpose, an early example of practical recycling.

New Singapore Ice Works. 1990.

 

The White Crocodile of Kallang River

In Southeast Asian folklore, the white crocodile (buaya putih) symbolises mystery, power and protection. Stories of guardian crocodiles often serve as omens or protectors of sacred waters.

Crocodiles were occasionally sighted in the Kallang River until the mid-1980s. Among the Orang Laut and Chinese communities, tales circulated of a white crocodile guarding the river. The Orang Biduanda Kallang were said to make offerings to it, while some Chinese believed it lived beneath Chwee Kang Beo (水江庙), a rare riverine temple in Singapore. In reality, the temple had no connection to the legend, but the story endures.

Today, as the manicured riverbanks and stadium lights dominate the skyline, it takes effort to imagine tongkangs, brick kilns, sawmills, ice production and other lost scenes. Yet beneath the modern surface, Kallang Basin continues to carry stories of quiet resilience.

Today's Kallang River is a thriving hub for water sports.


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Tuesday, June 02, 2026

广益银行丑闻的傀儡 - 林天相

作者:何乃强

 

1913年震惊新加坡的广益银行收盘事件,在19157月的巡回法庭审讯中,判决前副总理梅连振及林天相失信罪名成立,分别入狱7年和3年而落幕。

本文讨论被告林天相。他是广益银行已故总理林维芳的小儿子。根据家谱,林维芳遗下6个儿子,皆以字排名,如次子林雨之(顺天举人谱名贤根)。可惜我无从知道林天相的本名及卒年,法庭审讯中所用的是他的英文名字Lim Tiang Seng

林天相被判3年强制劳役严厉监禁(rigorous imprisonment),证据确凿,是依照刑事法典处罚,坊间议论纷纷。

林维芳世系表 (来源: 李彦佚)

 

失信还是疏忽?

开庭审讯时,辩护律师伊夫林爵士(Sir Evelyn)的抗辩陈词,道出了林天相的背景;他提醒陪审团,留意这个年轻人为何卷入这宗刑事案。林天相时年26岁(推算1889年生),在中国出生。19岁时(约1908年)首次来到新加坡,乃父安排他以15,000元购入12股广益银行面值1000元的股票,该笔款项由广益银行以借款方式代为偿还。不久后林天相返回乡下,直到1910年重返新加坡。同年10月父亲猝逝,留下遗嘱指定他为执行人(executor)。接下来的几个月,林天相没有踏入银行为亡父处理后事!过后他才到银行学习数月,做些闲杂工作,也不知学到多少。直到1911年,他被委任为董事兼副总理(Assistant Managing Director)。

这项任命,出自同是副总理的梅连振之手,原因是林天相作为亡父股份的持有人(占有10万股)。值得注意的是,他的任命并没有经过董事部对其履历、经验、工作能力及语言能力的严格评估和核准——这是明显的违例行为,而董事部竟无人追究。可以肯定的是,这个来自唐山的乡下仔,是个英文文盲!回想1903年广益银行启业之初,还有精通英文的买办黄继祥出任副总理。那么,为什么梅连振明知林天相不谙英文,还执意提名他担任要职?梅连振的做法,代表了早期华商中某些无视现代公司法的阴暗面。

林天相供证,他的工作只是听从梅连振指派,负责签发支票。他从没见过银行的资产负债表,更对公司法令第34条(透支顶限)一无所知。律师伊夫林爵士质疑:林天相犯的究竟是失信,还是疏忽?我也认为,这个刚满21岁法定年龄、少不更事的大孩子,不可能一上任就精通银行业务及资金运作而犯下失信罪。

《海峡时报》(1915年7月23日)报导巡回法庭审讯。

 

入世未深,成为代罪羔羊的“大孩子”

尽管林天相最终被判刑3年,但历史学家和当时的观察者往往对他抱有一丝同情。他们认为,林天相本质上是被梅连振等人利用的傀儡——被推上董事兼副经理的位置,只是为了让他承担父亲林维芳留下的48万元巨债。况且,林天相在法庭上表现出无知,在那些复杂的、违反《公司条例》的文件上签名时,根本没意识到自己在协助进行犯罪活动。他是在父债子还听从长辈(梅连振)的传统观念下,被推入陷阱的。

但法律是讲证据的。他在职位上签了字,3年的刑期是对他失职的惩罚。他是一个时代的悲剧”——那个新旧交替时代,传统家族观念被现代法律制度无情粉碎的牺牲品。

在那个波诡云谲的南洋商界,他是一个错位的角色。这个懵懂无知的大孩子,22岁来到南洋,面对的是全英文的法律条文和复杂的银行账目,不幸碰上了梅连振这样城府极深的长辈。梅连振非但没有栽培后辈,反而狠心设下陷阱。这个不知人间险诈、入世未深的乡下仔,可能单纯地认为子承父业听长辈话是天经地义的,不知道在银行业务里,这叫掏空资本!他更不知道,长辈推举他上位,不是为了提拔他,而是为了找一个法律上的替罪羊。

我无从知道林天相的智力与智商,感觉上他是个不热心学习的富二代。清盘官在报告中特别提到,他对银行业务毫无兴趣。如果他稍微有一点进取心或者危机感,在面对那叠厚厚的无抵押贷款文件时,就该感到恐惧。可惜他的入世未深少不更事,恰好成了梅连振等人最完美的掩护。

富二代阶下囚,林天相是一个悲剧。他懵懂无知,是一个完全没有准备好面对成人世界险恶的大孩子。他不懂英语,在法庭面前几乎是哑巴,无法读懂那些定他罪的英文文件,只能任由法官判决。一个不懂英语的人,在那个殖民地政府法律文件全以英文撰写的金融环境下,是任人宰割的!他继承的不是林维芳的荣耀,而是高达48万元的负遗产。这笔债,注定他不能翻身!