有人说IR挂羊头卖狗肉，酒店消闲是辅助，主导是赌博，牺牲精神层面来换取金钱效益。政府以就业机会来阐明立场，简单一句话，国家机器运作需要金钱来润滑，巧妇难为无米之炊！
当年法夸出任新加坡第一任驻扎官期间，并没有得到莱佛士与EIC在金钱物资上的支援，发展新加坡的工作并不容易展开。常驻马六甲15年，法夸学会马来话，了解马来文化，善于跟苏丹和天猛公协调沟通。虽然莱佛士心目中的新加坡是个以传统道德持家的自由港，不允许鸦片、赌博与奴隶买卖，法夸为了筹集殖民地管理资金，不顾莱佛士定下的政策与规划蓝图，接受苏丹和天猛公的奴隶和债务奴役的交易，还允许华人社群合法赌博、马来社群合法斗鸡等。
(法夸William Farquhar)
（法夸允许人口贩卖，图为当时记录的在新加坡河口的人口贩卖活动，妇女被剥光衣服验身。Munshi Abdullah 的书中有详细记载。）
（马来人的斗鸡活动）
1822年10月10日，莱佛士从明古连回到新加坡，发觉市容一团糟，最明显的就是在大草场与新加坡河沿岸保留给政府行政机关的地段竟然出现民宅与货仓。莱佛士十分震怒，立刻设立了市区规划委员会（Town Planning Committee），委任Captain
Davis, George Bonham（公务员） 和 A. L. Johnston（有威望的商人）为主要委员，征聘土地调查员Philip Jackson制作规划蓝图，法夸则被委任进行清除丛林、开辟道路、填平沼泽地的工作。
在一份1823年初的档案中（28 February 1823），秘书L. N. Hull 记录了市区规划的轮廓，这是经过修订后，1828年在伦敦发表的Jackson Plan （Plan of the Town of Singapore）。20世纪的新加坡市容还可见到当年的雏形。
（Plan of the Town of Singapore, Jackson Plan formerly published in London, 1828）
L. N. Hull's records：
Government: Raffles
emphasised that the space bounded by the ancient fortification and the
Singapore River was to be set aside as a cantonment, with land dedicated to
troops, officers and the government, excluding all individuals with the
exception of the Temenggong.
Merchants: He set aside land opposite the
Singapore River for commercial and merchantile purposes。
European: The European town stretched from the
seafront east of the cantonment to the southwest bank of the Singapore River.
This area included accommodation for other merchants as well.
Chinese: Besides the southwest end of the
European settlement along the Singapore River, the Chinese settlement centred
around the existing Chinese Kampong was planned.
Malays:
Emphasising accommodation for Bugis settlers and Arab merchants, the area
around the residence of the Sultan known then as Kampong Glam was to be
developed. The Malays were already residing around the Temmengong near Panglima
Prang.
Indians:
Tentatively, land for the Chuliahs were set aside up the Singapore River.
Raffles also gave instructions
for establishing the Telok Ayer market, a church, and clear demarcation between
races and professions.
莱佛士无法忍受法夸的管理方式，对法夸作出严厉的批评，两人的关系每况愈下，甚至转化到私人层面。根据蒙西阿都拉（Munshi Abdullah，莱佛士的马来秘书兼马来文老师）的记载，莱佛士和法夸都是大好人，两个大好人摆在同一个平面上，竟然会正正得负，或许是莱佛士的性格所使然。
The Hikayat Abdullah 《阿都拉传》:
As to his(Raffles) character, I noticed that he
always looked thoughtful. He was very good at paying due respect to people in a
friendly manner. He treated everyone with proper deference, giving to each his
proper title when he spoke. Moreover, he was extremely tactful in ending a
difficult conversation. He was solicitous of the feelings of others, and
open-handed with the poor. He spoke in smiles. He took the most active interest
in historical research. Whatever he found to do he
adopted no half-measures, but saw it through to the finish.
It was Mr. Farquhar’s nature to be patient and
tolerant of other people’s fault; and he treated both rich and poor alike,
never looking on one person as more important that another. If a man however
poor and lowly came to him with a complaint he would attend to him quickly and
listen carefully, giving advice and direction until the man’s mind was set at
rest, so that he returned home full of gratitude. Whenever he travelled about
his carriage or on horseback the rich and the poor, and the children too,
saluted him and he at once returned the compliment. He was ever generous to all
the servants of Allah.
I heard people mentioning the names of Mr
Raffles and Colonel Farquhar as very fine men. Many people testified to the
reputations these men bore, to their fine characters. All the events I have
described must surely be a lesson to men of wisdom and understanding,
illustrating the references I have made to people of good character and
profound learning and the stories I have told about them. I have done so in the
hope that such people will emulate their conduct, their manners, their courtesy
and their intelligence. As the wise man has said ‘it is better to die with a
reputation for good than to live with a reputation for evil.’
Never once did he (Raffles) magnify his own
importance or belittle that of others…Many are the men who have reached high
estate, who are outstanding, very wealthy or very handsome to look at. But a
nature so good at winning the affections of others and so noble as that of Mr.
Raffles I have never found.
（The Hikayat Abdullah 1849）
(The Hikayat Abdullah的英译本，马六甲河上看马六甲市)
1823年1月，莱佛士写信给EIC加尔各答大总督，认为法夸与当地人的来往太过密切，马来裙带关系（包括法夸的夫人Nonio Clement， 法国与马来族混血儿）使到他“完全无法负起管理新加坡的重要责任”，这封信使法夸丢了官，孟加拉（威廉堡）文官哥罗福（John Crawfurd）走马上任。
蒙西阿都拉记载莱佛士在1823年6月9日离开新加坡时，泪眼盈眶，各族群聚集在码头为他送行。蒙西阿都拉也提到莱佛士叫他到船上道别，苏菲雅给了他25西班牙元，说是给他在马六甲的孩子们，使他感激涕零。蒙西阿都拉也记载了六个月后，法夸离开新加坡时，送行的有数千人，有些甚至哭了两昼夜。法夸在码头花了两个小时，跟他们一一握手。他们还乘船护送法夸出海，十里相送，直到法夸在地平线上消失为止。本地华人社群赠送给法夸的离任纪念礼物，包括银制餐桌饰盘（silver epergne）。
从法夸受爱戴的程度，难怪他回到苏格兰后，写了一份回忆录给EIC董事部，指明设立新加坡中途站是他的建议，新加坡也是在他的管理下日趋成熟的，董事部应该尊重他选择与开辟新加坡的激情。
EIC董事部向莱佛士求证，莱佛士认为那只是法夸一厢情愿的说法，实际上法夸只是奉他的命令行事，在必要时从旁协助（1825年1月25日）：
“On the credit assumed by Lieutenant-Colonel Farquhar
for having suggested the establishment of Singapore, [...] this is the first
time I ever heard of the circumstance, and [...] on reference to the public
records I find nothing to support it. [...] a regard to truth compels me to
deny in broad terms that Colonel Farquhar ever suggested, or, to my knowledge,
knew or stated anything with regard to the formation of a Settlement at
Singapore, until I communicated to him the authority with which I was invested,
to form a Settlement there. [I am only prepared to acknowledge] the assistance
he rendered to me on the first establishment of the Settlement.”
1825年4月，法夸反驳莱佛士的说法，但并没有再提到建议在新加坡设立殖民地和开辟新加坡是他的功劳这回事。有鉴于此，同年11月，EIC董事部推翻法夸的论点，开辟新加坡的功绩归于莱佛士。
不过，EIC对莱佛士的小小新加坡似乎也不怎么在乎，EIC非但没有支付每年£500的退休金给莱佛士，还列出过去二十年来的财务清单，向被病魔缠身的莱佛士追讨包括1819年来往新加坡与明古连间的花费，连同利息，总欠款额为£22,272。莱佛士逝世一年后，他的妻子苏菲雅（Sophia）跟EIC达成协议，以
不过，EIC对莱佛士的小小新加坡似乎也不怎么在乎，EIC非但没有支付每年£500的退休金给莱佛士，还列出过去二十年来的财务清单，向被病魔缠身的莱佛士追讨包括1819年来往新加坡与明古连间的花费，连同利息，总欠款额为£22,272。莱佛士逝世一年后，他的妻子苏菲雅（Sophia）跟EIC达成协议，以
（EIC向莱佛士追讨的清单）
