Friday, April 05, 2013

樟宜机场 Changi Airport

孩子们还小,不识愁滋味的1990年代,我还有精力,能够伛偻着身子,陪着他们钻Kidsport。当时周末晚上的节目总是围绕着孩子,星期六晚上的好去处,就是离住家不到10分钟车程的樟宜机场。当时新加坡只有第一和第二机场,第三搭客大厦还在蓝图中,而Budget Terminal则是闻所未闻。如今Budget Terminal竟然已是昨日黄花,让位给预计2017年完工的第四搭客大厦。

当时,我们的目标锁定在富有热带风情的第一搭客大厦,有四样东西好做的:Swenson's的晚餐、Swenson's 外头的儿童滑梯、抵境厅的热带鱼、还有穿梭于第一和第二机场间的Sky Train。至于第一搭客大厦内扶梯两旁的两个喷水池是机场的特色。


(Changi Airport T1. c.1990)


初识樟宜机场是1980年代,当时住家属于新镇,附近没有高楼,控制塔遥遥在望,我的五岁的小邻居淑薇指着控制塔说那儿便是爸爸的机场。淑薇的父亲连忙纠正,说爸爸只是在机场工作,机场可不是爸爸的。弹指间淑薇已经是两个孩子的妈妈了。

在那个建国20余年,国家建设已经走上轨道,欣欣向荣,充满希望的1980年代,我也收拾起心情,放下工作,重回校园。周末深夜,驱着小破车,到第一搭客大厦翻看资料,坐落一个夜晚。机场有许多不归人,或单独一人如我,或三三两两,对着机坪,看着闪闪灯光,飞机起落间,承载着许多未来梦。

如果说樟宜机场与二战有一段剪不开的宿命,你相信吗?

1942215日农历年初一,超过八万名英国联军在白思华(General Arthur Percival)的率领下,向军力弱三倍,只有三万人,而且已经几乎精疲力尽,粮尽弹空的日军投降。新加坡沦陷,易名昭南岛,苦难中度过三年六个月的大和岁月。


(只有三个师的日军1941年12月8日在吉兰丹Kota Bahru登陆,两个月后抵达新加坡时已近粮尽灯枯。日军司令山下奉文说新加坡是从英国联军手上骗过来的。)

(白思华的防卫部署:军力最强的18师安排保卫新加坡东北部,防御日军经乌敏岛登陆,大大失算。)

早在1941年,德国军方已经通知日本第25军司令官“马来之虎”山下奉文Yamashita,攻陷新加坡是一件很棘手的事,可能需要动用五个师与一年半的时间。言犹在耳,山下奉文只动用三个师和两个月的时间,就占领了新马。山下奉文说这是凭攻心术,骗过无心恋战的英军司令白思华所得来的胜利。

当时的英国首相丘吉尔Winston Churchill形容新加坡沦陷是英国历史上最阴暗的日子:“The worst disaster and largest capitulation in British history”。

1943年,日军决定在樟宜建立空军基地,把关在樟宜监狱的联军俘虏派去当劳工,以1940年建成的英军炮兵营为基地,再将周遭的沼泽填平,建设跑道。由于日军资金不足,1944 1945 年两度减粮,俘虏在吃不饱穿不暖的日子里继续他们的粗活。他们一方面表现得似乎很勤快以避免挨打,另一方面又尽量放慢建筑的速度来拖缓日军战争的步伐。新加坡第一个“樟宜机场”终于在19455月完工。


(1945年的“樟宜机场”,1946年易名为RAF Changi。c.1945)
(日本投降后,日军俘虏改良“樟宜机场”的跑道。1946)


1945815日日军投降,空军基地交还给英国殖民地政府,这回被俘虏的日军被令改良飞机跑道,隔年易名为皇家空军樟宜基地RAF Changi

至于山下奉文,在中国和英国政府的要求之下,19451029日被送到马尼拉的军事法庭接受审讯。山下奉文被指控的主要罪行包括:1935年至1936年,反对“北进”派并支持二月兵变,支持裕仁天皇实施“南进”行动;1938年至1939年,任华北参谋长期间,指挥军队在中国农村展开大屠杀;1942年,任马来西亚第二十五军司令官期间,指使秘密警察屠杀五千余名新加坡华裔(中华总商会的数据为五万余名新加坡华裔被屠杀);1944年,在帕拉万岛虐杀美军战俘150名等罪行。

同年127日马尼拉军事法庭判处山下奉文死刑。代表山下奉文的首席辩护律师美国陆军法务上校Harry Clarke不服判决,往美国联邦最高法院上诉,并要求发出人身保护令,中止执行死刑。美国最高法院以62票数驳回上诉。

1946223日,押解到刑场途中的车上,曾经是同袍的僧人森田觉中尉问山下奉文有什么遗言想要交代?山下奉文回答:“一个人的本性在上学校以前,是他的母亲培养出来的。我的遗言是,提高妇女的教养,培养好的母亲!请告诉祖国,我对祖国只有这个愿望。”

山下奉文不被允许穿军服,只能身穿囚服走上绞刑台,绞刑台是由日本战俘制造的。

英国重新接管新加坡后并不像以前那么一帆风顺,二战过后世界各地民族的觉醒,新马人民对英国的不信任,英国本身的财务问题等使日不落帝国的时代画上句点。1971年英国空军撤离新加坡,RAF Changi易名Changi Air Base, 移交给新加坡共和国空军。


(RAF Changi. c.1950s. Williams-Hunt collection.)

1970年代的新加坡逐步成为本区域的交通枢纽,航空业蓬勃发展,穿过市区民宅的巴耶利峇机场供不应求。当时有两个选择,其一是扩建,其二是另选一个地方。由于Paya Lebar地皮贵,而且飞行安全难以控制,结果在樟宜兴建新的民航机场的计划在1972年落实,地点就在RAF Changi 和征用的樟宜马来甘榜“监格何毛洛村”(Kampong Ayer Gemuruh)。


(Kampong Ayer Gemuruh 的原址就在樟宜机场内,marked as P.)

(Kampong Ayer Gemuruh. NAS 1950)


(新加坡总理李光耀下乡走访“监格何毛洛村” Kampong Ayer Gemuruh。NAS 1963)

今天的樟宜机场制造了一万三千个就业机会,每年为新加坡经济制造了45亿元的财富。

新加坡的民航机场:Seletar 1930-1937),Kallang 1937-1955),Paya Lebar 1955 1982),Changi 1982 -


附注(2022年3月7日)无名氏提供:

新马1965年分家之后两国共同经营 马来西亚新加坡航空(MSA),直至1972/10/1正式分道扬镳,当天共3架带着新航SIA雄鹰标志的飞机首次昂首腾飞:一架飞往伦敦,一架飞往悉尼, 另一架从海外飞返。新加坡当局并未特地发行邮票纪念新航的诞生,不过在同一天发行的另一套新邮票的首日封上盖上了独立的邮戳以作纪念。

 

新航于1972年10月1日正式起飞,新加坡与1991年发行民航纪念邮票

新加坡航空实际上未曾购买过协和飞机,但在1976年英航将她的协和机的半边漆上新航的雄鹰标志,该机在伦敦与新加坡航线上来回了三趟便停止了,后又在1979年正月复航至198011月为止。该机的机师皆来自英航,机舱服务则由新航与英航轮流提供。

新加坡于1991年发行了一套民航纪念票显示协和机曾在本地的民航历史上留下了不可磨灭的一页。

 

协和机纪念品

老婆大人于1970/80年代服务于新航集团,多次自费或利用Staff Tickets举家到世界各国旅行,相片所示是在航机上 工作时通过 “关系” “顺手牵羊”的 桥牌等纪念品。

 



乘坐新航的“纪念品”

Wednesday, April 03, 2013

We were in Singapore but our hearts were in Malaya - Dominic Puthucheary

This is an article published in the New Straits Times, Malaysia on April 3rd, 2013.

Datuk Dominic Puthucheary was arrested and detained under Operation Coldstore (Feb 2, 1963) before the merger of Singapore and Malaya. In 2011, Dominic's son Janil Puthucheary stood as a PAP candidate in Singapore's general election and won. He had his father's blessing: "The differences we had with the PAP no longer existed -- on merger, anti-colonialism, the Internal Security Council."
-------------------------

NOTHING PERSONAL: Despite detentions and banishment, Datuk Dominic Puthucheary tells Santha Oorjitham that it was all about ideology


"I AM now relooking at Malaysian history outside the Cold War and colonial perspective, particularly the Emergency," says Datuk Dominic Puthucheary at the end of an interview at his law firm.

His older brother, the late James Puthucheary, "made a breakthrough in the understanding of the Malayan political economy with Ownership and Control of the Malayan Economy and I am looking at the historical development of the political economy."

He has been doing this for the past two decades. And at many of the country's turning points, this former trade unionist, member of parliament and political detainee, has been in the thick of the action.

Born south of Cochin in Kerala, India on May 27, 1934, Dominic moved to Johor Baru when he was four months old.

In 1951, while Dominic was studying at the Johor English College, James was detained during a meeting of the nationalist Malayan Democratic Union. Dominic's classmate S.T. Bani later told former Singapore premier Lee Kuan Yew, who had started his career as a lawyer, about Dominic.

"They both came to Johor Baru and took me for satay and mee rebus at the stall owned by Wahab, James' contemporary at the English College."

Lee was looking for cadres and "was very impressive and charismatic. I decided I had to join him. At that time, merger with Malaysia was uppermost in our minds as part of the nation-building process".

Bani and Dominic became active in the unions. By the mid-1950s, Puthucheary was studying at the Singapore Teachers' Training College. At a protest meeting, he made an anti-colonial speech in Malay and was expelled.

He had a brief stint as an investigator with Singapore's Social Welfare Department. And in 1954, he was part of the formation of the People's Action Party, "a fascinating moment of history, of nation-building. Lee built a party that was not racially based and with very strong intellectual content".

After the detention of Legislative Assembly member for Bukit Timah Lim Chin Siong and other trade union leaders in October 1956, Puthucheary revamped the Singapore Trades Union Congress into the Trades Union Congress -- where he was labelled one of the Ten Tall Men on the secretariat. He later became assistant general-secretary of Singapore's General Employees Union and by 1961, was leader of the Singapore Association of Trade Unions (Satu).

He organised mass rallies -- for example, for visiting Algerian nationalist leader Ferhat Abbas.
"Those were very exhilarating days," he recalls.

"I felt part of the large drama of the anti-colonial struggle. Colonialism distorted our lives, self-worth, dignity and potential. We didn't have to mimic the West. We could stand on our own and be part of the larger Southeast Asia."

But, he stresses, "I saw it in terms of the entire peninsula and Singapore. We were in Singapore but our heartbeat was in Malaya".

Before Singapore's 1959 general election (when PAP came into power), Lee was looking for candidates and asked Dominic to stand: "I was a Federal citizen. He said I could change my citizenship but I said no, because I wanted to go back."

In July 1961, Dominic was one of the Big Six trade union leaders who left with 13 PAP MPs to form Barisan Sosialis where he was founder vice-president -- after losing the vote on the issue of full internal self-government and abolition of the Internal Security Council before merger with Malaysia. The breakaway group included 35 of the 51 PAP branches and 19 of its 23 organising secretaries.

(Datuk Dominic Puthucheary (foreground) at a PAP rally in Singapore in 1962. He says he felt part of the large drama of the anti-colonial struggle,’ he says. The New Straits Times, April 3rd, 2013)

Lee cracked down on them during Operation Coldstore in February 1963, arresting 115 alleged communists and supporters. Both Dominic and James were among them.

Dominic was detained at the Outram Road prison for a few days, then moved to the central Jalan Bandar prison in Kuala Lumpur and on to prisons in Cheras, Brickfields and Sungai Besi, and finally the detention camp in Muar.

"I may be the only lawyer who has been detained in all the prisons in Kuala Lumpur!" he quips.

Despite Coldstore, in the 1963 state elections, Barisan Sosialis won 13 out of 51 seats, becoming the second largest, as well as the leading, opposition party. Dominic was released after 10 months, had to sign a pledge to quit politics and was banished from Singapore.

He headed to Queen's University in Belfast where he studied law until 1969, moving back to Kuala Lumpur in 1970 to begin practising with Skrine and Co. He married Datin Dr Savithri Puthucheary in 1971 and they have two sons, three grandsons and a granddaughter.

Meanwhile, after Singapore separated from Malaysia in 1965, Barisan Sosialis members began to resign. By 1968, there were no opposition MPs in Singapore.

For almost 15 years, Dominic focused on the law. But then, he was bitten by the political bug again.

He began giving legal advice to the fledgling Parti Bersatu Sabah in 1985 and helped them get registered in March that year.

And the following year, he joined Gerakan and became its vice-president.

"I thought I could initiate a new non-racial, non-communal political movement within the Barisan Nasional, which was all powerful," he says.

"I wanted to use that niche to expand the space and give people the choice of racial and non-racial politics."

He spent months drafting a constitution for a "Pan-Malaysia Congress of Unity" which would offer party membership, direct individual membership and affiliated membership for other organisations. Among its aims was "to strive for national unity based on Malaysian nationalism, which is based on the belief and commitment that all Malaysians should identify with Malaysia and be willing to treat each other as equals and to contribute positively to nation-building, prosperity and security of Malaysia".

In 1990, Dominic was elected Nibong Tebal MP -- and his banishment from Singapore was lifted. He started a self-respect movement, "Than Maana Iyakam", for the Indian community there and held political "school" for them on Sundays to educate them on political issues and empower them.

He also conducted studies on social issues among the Indian working class. For example, he concluded that housing on the estates made them more dependent.

"I advocated low-cost housing outside the estates so they would have independence of choice of sending their children to Tamil schools or other schools."

Dominic raised this with MIC, the Penang government and deputy chief minister Datuk Seri Ibrahim Saad, asking for state land and got it. "There were four enclaves of displaced Indians who were itinerant labour and had no coherent community. I wanted to resettle them with a critical mass so there would be shops, restaurants, businesses and schools."

There were about 15 Tamil schools in the constituency, some with only 10 to 15 pupils. He planned to reduce the number of schools. But, he said, Gerakan president Tun Dr Lim Keng Yaik asked him, over lunch in 1993, to move to Selayang in the 1994 polls.

Disillusioned, Dominic left Gerakan just before the elections and focused on his law practice. His memories of Singapore's early days were revived when he was interviewed for Men in White: The Untold Story of Singapore's Ruling Political Party.

And at the launch of the book in 2009, he met Kuan Yew for the first time since he was banished in 1963.
"I hoped for more time but it was a very short exchange of pleasantries," he says.

"I was asked about my 'reconciliation' with him at the launch. I was jailed but that's the price I had to pay for what I believed. I did not consider it a personal issue."

(Datuk Dominic Puthucheary believes colonialism ‘distorted our lives, self-worth, dignity and potential... We could stand on our own and be part of the larger Southeast Asia’. The New Straits Times, April 3rd, 2013)

In 2011, Dominic's son Janil stood as a PAP candidate in Singapore's general election and won. He had his father's blessing: "The differences we had with the PAP no longer existed -- on merger, anti-colonialism, the Internal Security Council."

Dominic has accepted that there are new realities. And, he sums up, "To live in the past would be absurd".

Friday, March 29, 2013

为妇女而从政的萧白龙夫人(Mrs Seow Peck Leng)- 新加坡早期政治人物

1961年立法议会通过的妇女宪章在新加坡近代史上是一个重要的里程碑,妇女宪章禁止一夫多妻将一夫一妻制合法化。对男人而言,别以为齐人之福是美事,需知妻多夫贱,没水洗脸!对女人而言,在那个年代禁止男人一夫多妻也可以避免更多妇幼被经济拮据的丈夫遗弃。除此之外,妇女宪章将女子结婚的最低年龄定为18岁,妇女可以提诉丈夫通奸、重婚等不合法行为,离婚后还享有赡养费等。它不仅改变了男女间对婚姻关系的观点,更大大提升了新加坡女人的社会地位。

http://navalants.blogspot.sg/2012/04/singapore-womens-charter.html


The Women’s Charter 1961

半个世纪后的今天,新加坡妇女从思想保守的年代跨越过21世纪的首十年,今时今日看起来为一半的人口提供保护网的妇女宪章是合情合理的,但是半个世纪前却是非比寻常。当年以女人的立场极力为妇女争取合法权利的主要人物有Mrs Shrin Fozdar Mrs George Lee,萧白龙夫人(Mrs Seow Peck Leng)和陈翠嫦等人。陈翠嫦在立法议会发表中文演说,为妇女请命,律政部长贝恩(Kenny Byrne)极力支持,三读通过妇女宪章,陈翠嫦与妇女宪章几乎画上等号。陈翠嫦是执政党员,为妇女宪章鞠躬尽瘁,功不可没,但其他在那个年代为妇女请命的先驱人物如萧白龙夫人也应记上一功。萧白龙夫人也译为萧柏龄夫人,本名蔡成金(Chua Seng Kim)。


(来自印度孟买的Mrs Shirin Fozdar)

萧夫人(1919-2007) 出生于土生华人家庭,在新加坡女子学校(Singapore Chinese Girls' School)和莱佛士女中(Raffles Girls' School)受教育  1954年出任广东民学校 (Cantonment School)校长   在对政治一窍不通的情况下辞去教育部的职位,加入由林有福领导的人民联盟(SPA),参与新加坡第一届自治邦选举(1959),将原蒙巴登区市议会员梁苏夫人(Felicia Leon-Soh)踢出局,糊里糊涂地走入立法议会,开始短短四年的政治生涯。国家档案局为她录制的口述历史有非常丰富有趣的描述。

http://navalants.blogspot.sg/2013/03/felice-leon-soh.html

根据萧夫人的说法,Mrs George Lee是新加坡妇女理事会(Singapore Council of WomenSCW1950)的主席,老公拥有多间工厂,还有一支庞大的歌舞团,她很担心家产会落入这些欢场女子手中,因此极力争取一夫一妻制。至于来自印度孟买的Mrs Shirin Fozdar1950年跟着医生丈夫移民到新加坡,在印度已经是个妇女运动的风云人物。她是SCW的秘书,除了拟定妇女宪章的SCW版,也极力游说马来妇女摆脱宗教与族群的束缚,支持一夫一妻制。


(她们都为妇女争取应得的社会利益。Photo source: Singapore Council of Women's Organisations)

萧夫人一向来就很积极地投入社会工作,建立起良好的人脉。1954年她成立了Siglap Girls’ Club(日后的新加坡妇女协会Singapore Women’s Association),教导马来老师学英文,也到多所马来学校免费教导英文等。后来萧夫人在无意中发现甘榜安柏(Kampong Amber)的居住环境恶略,于是安排了防痨协会(SATA)前来教导村民肺痨病以及防范措施。跟村民建立交情后,她还挂羊头,卖狗肉,派些女义工走入甘榜,名义上是教导马来妇女们针织刺绣,实际上是教导她们如何节育。所谓好人有好报,这些善举后来竟然帮忙她赢得马来选票。

1959年蒙巴登区选举成绩:
候选人
政党
得票
Seow Peck Leng
人民联盟 SPA
303133.7%
Tay Kim Sun
人民行动党PAP
2143 23.8%
Wong Foo Nam
马华MCA
1903 21.2%
Felice Leon-Soh
加东居民统一工会KURA
1354 15.1%

萧夫人在1959年全国大选后的第一次立法议会上发言,开口的第一句话就是恭喜PAP高票当选,引来SPA党内人士的一番痛骂。作为反对党,本来就应该将黑白混淆,黑的说成白的,白的说成黑的,应该说PAP在不公平的竞选中获胜,怎么可以反过来恭喜对方?萧夫人发觉这一切跟当年她跟着反对党PAP与首席部长林有福胡混的日子完全不同,才明白什么是政治现实。

萧夫人怎么跟当年还是反对党的PAP与首席部长林有福胡混呢?蒂凡那(Devan Nair)因反殖民地政府被捕,萧夫人接替蒂凡那,出任新加坡教师工会秘书长,后来因法律咨询经常跟李光耀律师接触。她认为李光耀是个最友善、最乐意助人、最有逻辑的人。政客与政客之间表面上似乎水火不相容,但私底下他们甚至深夜时分跑到林有福家去,把他从睡床上拉起来吃宵夜游车河,交换政见等。或许当时大家还年轻,也秉着一股摆脱殖民地政府的热忱,做出许多当时似乎是理所当然,今天看起来却很不寻常的事来。

萧夫人对通过新马合并来摆脱英国殖民地统治的愿望十分强烈,SPA甚至取笑她已经被PAP洗脑,称李光耀为她的男朋友。她对英国殖民地政府的反感,源自在学校教书时所受到的白人至上的不公平待遇。当时女校长是个威尔斯人,学校来了个英国女教师,跟萧夫人实习了一阵子。当时教师都必须做教课记录,如果本地教师忘了记录,会被校长严厉谴责,无地自容,但新来的英国教师却享有特权,没有任何教课记录,校长还为她打圆场。

至于已经结了婚的本地女教员,无论工作多少年,薪水非但没有提升,反而削减至最低工资。根据当时殖民地官员的说法,照顾妻儿是丈夫的责任。身为一个已婚女性,所赚的都是多余的零用钱,简单地说就是赚钱买花戴,所以不需要领取高薪。

(萧白龙夫人是第一位反对党议员,也是当年少数亲自开车的女性。NAS c.1950s

萧夫人咽不下这口气,将Siglap Girls’ Club转型为Singapore Women’s Association (SWA),鼓励公务员入会,争取同工同酬同等社会地位。

女人的社会地位是个很棘手的难题,反对的声音来自各阶层。一位女医生说:我不晓得你们在想什么?好了,现在你的老公有另一个女人,你把他丢到牢里,对你有什么好处?谁来养你的孩子?好,你有工作,你有本事赚钱,你可以养,那一大群没有经济能力的家庭主妇呢?她控告她的丈夫,丈夫坐牢,谁来养孩子?难道妇女牺牲一点不好吗?让男人有第二个、第三个、第四个老婆,只要照顾好孩子就是了,至少你有个丈夫,孩子有个爸爸。为什么你硬要将男人抓去坐牢?男人坐牢对女人有什么好处?

萧夫人在口述历史中回忆起要求林有福帮忙争取男女平等的经历,林有福的反应是萧夫人,妇女在英国也没有享受到平等的社会待遇。你这么向往男女平等,为什么你不亲自争取?如果你相信你所说的,为什么你不干脆辞去你的工作,出来参选,进入立法议会,用你的议员的权力来争取,好过到处求人。我是个男人,你竟然跑来要我为你争取妇女的权利?林有福虽然揶揄对方,另一方面却安排萧夫人出国考察,前往美国观察民主党与共和党两个主要党派的妇女团队如何为妇女争取利益。林有福作出这样的安排,或许是基于在来临的1959年大选中,他会领导人民联盟,萧夫人正好是那枚能够争取妇女选票的棋子。

(元首夫人Puan Noor Aishah 与蒙巴登区议员萧夫人走访Kampong AmberNAS 1962

到头来真正将争取妇女利益列入1959年的竞选政纲的只有PAPPAP甚至以一夫一妻作为竞选的标语,其他政党则担心这种前卫的做法会影响选票。结果PAP赢得43席(共51席),妇女票确实是不可忽略的一环。

支持与行动是两回事。1960年贝恩领导的妇女宪章委员会虽然对外开放,但除了在任的女议员如陈翠嫦和萧夫人对妇女宪章兴致勃勃外,只有Mrs George LeeMrs Shirin Fozdar加入委员会。一般上妇女们不是不了解,就是觉得妇女宪章侵犯了传统与隐私;面对着一个即将因妇女宪章而改变的大环境,甚至有更多的私人顾虑,比如会不会连累到丈夫、孩子、制造更多的家庭纠纷等等。妇女宪章甚至被理解为政府偏袒妇女,针对男人而设的法律。


萧夫人第一次出席新加坡自治邦立法议会,也就是今天的国会。NAS 1959

萧夫人对一名年轻的小伙子印象特别深刻。这位年轻人在妇女宪章委员会的第一次会议上借题发挥,谈到为什么妇女宪章只提到妻子,其实女人的范围不应该局限于妻子,更重要的问题是母亲,是家长,政府应该正视老人问题,通过法律来规定孩子奉养父母。年轻人虽然离题,但显然颇有远见,已经预见到二十年后的社会问题。


根据1960年3月 The Singapore Free Press 的报道,  "Last year there were 170 child wives under 14 years old and 13,000 between the ages of 15 and 19. … One girl had been married thrice before she was 16. Another, aged 15, was wife to a man four times her age." 为妇女宪章奋斗的经历,所面对的不仅是一个封建思想的包袱,还有当时PAP政府中好些男议员的父亲也奉行一夫多妻制,因此在立法议会中发生很大的分歧。当时除了肯为妇女请命的律政部长贝恩大力支持外, 1961PAP分裂,左翼分子成立社阵,PAP更迫切需要妇女的选票来组织下一任政府,这是大家都必须面对的最现实的考量。天时地利制造了人和,妇女宪章终于成为新加坡先进的法律。

萧夫人感激贝恩领导潮流的勇气以及接受她作为一名反对党员对妇女宪章所提出的一些建议:

“In view of the fact that the Government in the past has been very much inclined to adopt the attitude that Sir Ivor Jennings and Lord Hailsham have always warned us against, i.e., the attitude that the Opposition can never be right and the Government can never be wrong, I feel that the Minister for Labour and Law deserves special commendation for having the courage to incorporate the advice of the Opposition in the Women's Charter, when he thinks that the Opposition is right.”

萧夫人一向来为男女同工同酬而奋斗的目标并没有涵括在妇女宪章中,但1962年贝恩修改了公务员的薪金制度,给予妇女应有的肯定。

1963年全国大选,SPA决定将萧夫人在蒙巴登区打下的江山交给一个重要的男人(SPA秘书长),萧夫人则被调到如切区,理由是如切已经是SPA在上一届夺下的堡垒,又是土生华人的集居地,以萧夫人的娘惹身份,如切居民会支持她。SPA这种不注重民众基础的“空降”作风,不只输了如切和蒙巴登,更面对全军覆没的厄运。

1963年如切区选举成绩:
候选人
政党
得票
Fong Kim Heng
人民行动党PAP
930065.9%
Leong Keng Seng
社阵BS
3737 26.5%
Seow Peck Leng
人民联盟 SA SPA
1078 7.6%

196589日,新加坡宣布独立当天,萧夫人递上辞职信,静悄悄地告别政坛,过后继续担任新加坡妇女协会及多个妇幼组织的主席,1991年引退。


萧夫人在2007年辞世。根据前SWA 主席Susy Chia-Tsai 的回忆,1961年河水山大火后,萧夫人鼓励妇女们将钱存入银行 , 而不要存放在甘榜的家里头 , 因为一场火患就会将毕生的储蓄烧光。当时的崇侨银行还有粉红色女郎(The Pink Lady), 帮忙妇女们填写开银行户口的表格 。 --The Straits Times, Apr 16, 2007.

现在回顾半世纪前的一段前尘往事,如果没有一群理想主义者,大胆挑战传统和文化根基,1961年的立法议会不可能通过这么前卫的妇女宪章。对比之下,一年后联合国才通过文明婚姻条例,1967年联合国才通过决议,肯定妇女在社会与家庭所应享有的平等地位。以今天新加坡的屋价、物价与奶粉钱来衡量,齐人未必是福气,妇女宪章未尝不是当下男人的福音。